What It Takes To Become President Is Essay

Nothing To What It Takes To Be Become President. Essay, Research PaperThe place of President of the United States of America is one of the most seeable functions in the universe. He is perceived to be the leader of one of the most powerful states, militarily and economically. The occupation is really much sought after by a figure of Americans. Competition for the function is ferocious and a long procedure of choice has emerged.

However, the personal qualities needed to go President and to be President seem rather different in a figure of ways. In this essay I will depict the function of the President, his powers and how he can utilize them ; I will so demo, utilizing Barbers & # 8217 ; categorization what it takes to be President. I will so discourse how an person may go President utilizing the illustration of Bill Clinton in 1992 and mentioning to Barbers & # 8217 ; analysis, explicating the different qualities. To understand what it takes to be President, it is foremost necessary to understand what the Presidents & # 8217 ; function is. The United States Constitution gives the President a figure of formal functions to execute.

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The President is Chief Executive, Commander-in-Chief, Chief foreign diplomat, and Appointer for high offices non provided for in the Constitution. His informal powers are Chief legislator, by manner of giving the one-year & # 8216 ; State of the Union & # 8217 ; address, and urging & # 8220 ; necessary and expedient & # 8221 ; statute law together with the power of veto. He is besides caput of the national Party by virtuousness of keeping the most senior station possible in a several party. Congress and the Supreme tribunal have opposing powers to the President which limit his ability to transport out these functions.

This, together with the inability of each establishment to be able to censure each other consequences in separate establishments sharing power. The President must therefore find ways of utilizing his influence to execute his functions. Neustadt argues that there are four key constituencies which the President must pay attending to. In no peculiar order, these are, the & # 8216 ; authorities & # 8217 ; constituency which chiefly consists of Congress and the Executive staff: party: the & # 8216 ; national & # 8217 ; constituency: and in conclusion, the & # 8216 ; abroad & # 8217 ; constituency. The President must run into the outlooks and demands of each of these constituencies, & # 8220 ; Executive functionaries want determinations, Congressmen proposals, zealots want power, citizens want substance, friends abroad want steadiness and penetration and aid on their footings & # 8211 ; all these as stenography statements of complex stuff and psychological desires.

& # 8221 ; To do life more hard, Neustadt besides points out the jobs that the President has in acquiring things done. Truman remarked about the entrance Eisenhower & # 8220 ; He & # 8217 ; ll sit here & # 8230 ; .and he & # 8217 ; ll say & # 8216 ; Make this! Do that! & # 8217 ; and nil will go on. Poor Ike & # 8211 ; it won & # 8217 ; t be a spot like the Army.

He & # 8217 ; ll happen it really frustrating. & # 8221 ; What Neustadt is connoting is the separation of the President from other offices and the deficiency of requital he has on them & # 8211 ; that is he can non fire them & # 8211 ; means that they are foremost, free to follow their ain docket or have their ain constituency concerns. For illustration, a Congressman has his ain electorate, involvement groups, thoughts on & # 8216 ; good & # 8217 ; statute law, their ain sweetening of power, prestigiousness, calling chances and private addition.

As can be seen, the President and his concerns are non an overruling concern to a Congressman. Similarly with party, the President can non command them to make anything they do non desire to make due to the deficiency of requital. With other universe leaders, via media, pacts and so on are the lone possible consequences. Neustadt argues that the President performs two existent functions, he makes picks and he persuades others to transport out those picks. These occur in different ways, through different countries of duty, but it ever in one of these two ways which the President makes a difference to the political system.

Ultimately, there are picks which can merely be made the President as it merely he who has his occupation and sees things from the place that he is in, persons may besides postpone hard determinations to him as they do non wish to hold the duty of the determination. Once the President has made a pick, he must so carry others to transport them out. This, as harmonizing to Neustadt is the existent accomplishment of the President. As argued earlier, he can non trust on others to transport out his wants without inquiry.

He must therefore use his powers to carry and convert others to make what he wishes. This portrays the Presidents function as a trader, a negotiant and a operator in order to put to death his functions of Chief Executive, Commander-in-Chief, Ambassador, Appointer and Chief legislator. Harmonizing to this analyse, the President must be a good inducer. he must be able to compromise and dicker with people who have an independent base of authorization and portion influence. Without the power to carry, the Presidents roles become weakened. However, as Nixon and Carter showed, it is possible to command instead than carry & # 8211 ; but their Presidencies are now seen as hapless. James David Barber attempted to make an easy categorization system which electors could utilize in make up one’s minding who to vote for in a presidential election. He attempted to sort each President harmonizing to personality type.

He classified them harmonizing to their & # 8216 ; world-view & # 8217 ; and their & # 8217 ; manner & # 8217 ; . Barber defines universe position as the Presidents, & # 8220 ; primary, politically relevant beliefs, peculiarly his constructs of societal causality, human nature, and the moral struggles of the time. & # 8221 ; Their manner is their & # 8220 ; accustomed manner of executing three political functions: rhetoric, personal dealingss, and homeworth. & # 8221 ; Barber argues that these two constructs can be operationalised by two simpler inquiries, & # 8220 ; How much energy does the adult male invest in his presidential term? & # 8221 ; & # 8211 ; Is he active or inactive. & # 8220 ; Does he look to see his political life as happy or sad & # 8230 ; .positive or negative in its chief consequence? & # 8221 ; Harmonizing to Barber, the consequences can be used to characterize each President into one of the undermentioned groups: Affect toward the Presidency Positive Negative Energy Directed Toward the Presidency Active Thomas Jefferson Franklin Roosevelt Harry Truman John Kennedy Gerald Ford Jimmy Carter & # 8220 ; consistence between much activity and the enjoyment of it, bespeaking comparatively high self-prides and comparative success in associating to the environment & # 8230 ; shows an orientation to productiveness as a value and an ability to utilize his manners flexibly, adaptively & # 8221 ; John Adams Woodrow Wilson Herbert Hoover Lyndon Johnson Richard Nixon & # 8220 ; activity has a compulsive quality, as if the adult male were seeking to do up for something or flight from anxiousness into difficult work & # 8230 ; seems ambitious, endeavoring upward, power seeking & # 8230 ; stance toward the environment is aggressive and has a job in pull offing his aggressive feelings & # 8221 ; Passive James Madison William Taft Warren Harding Ronald Reagan & # 8220 ; receptive, compliant, other-directed character whose life is a hunt for fondness as a wages for being agreeable and co-operative & # 8230 ; low ego regard ( on evidences of being unlovable ) . & # 8221 ; George Washington Calvin Coolidge Dwight Eisenhower & # 8220 ; low ego esteem based on a sense of uselessness & # 8230 ; in political relations because they think they ought to be & # 8230 ; inclination is to retreat, to get away from the struggle and uncertainness of political relations by underscoring obscure rules ( particularly prohibitions ) and procedural arrangements. & # 8221 ; Table to demo Barbers & # 8217 ; categorization of the Presidents up to 1985.

Barber asserts that active-positive Presidents are the best, & # 8220 ; His high sense of self-worth enables him to work hard at political relations, have fun at what he is does, and therefore be reasonably good at it. & # 8221 ; The passive-positive is fondness seeking, although non difficult working. The passive-negative & # 8220 ; neither plants nor dramas ; it is his responsibility, non pleasance or zest. & # 8221 ; Active-negative Presidents are power searchers who see a series of ageless barriers in forepart of them which need to be broken down, they therefore persist in black classs of action because their psychological fundamental laws do non let them to profess that they are incorrect. Barber hence concludes that an active-positive President is best, and the active-negative worst. Harmonizing to Barber, it takes an active-positive individual to be President.

He has great energy for the occupation and enjoys making it, but non chiefly out of any sense of responsibility or personal addition in fondness or attending. A figure of unfavorable judgments have been levelled at this typology. The two chief 1s are that it is over-simplified and is non accurate plenty.

In respects to the first, Barber argues that it is a stenography device which is intended to be used by the elector in measuring whether a Presidential campaigner is good plenty for the occupation. He states that & # 8220 ; we are speaking about inclinations, wide waies ; no single adult male precisely fits a category. & # 8221 ; In respects to the 2nd unfavorable judgment, Barber argues that they are & # 8220 ; petroleum hints to character & # 8221 ; and that these two typologies are the most critical. Furthermore, these traits are easy identifiable by all & # 8211 ; whether voting for a campaigner or measuring the presidential term.

The two indexs are besides good in that they are reciprocally sole, & # 8220 ; The activity baseline refers to what one does, the consequence baseline to how one feels about what he does. & # 8221 ; The placing of the Presidents in certain typologies does non needfully explicate what makes a good or a bad President For illustration, some of the best idea of Presidents such as Washington are placed non in the active-positive function but in passive-negative. Similarly, great Presidents such as Franklin Roosevelt are in the same class as Jimmy Carter. This generalization appears excessively wide and does non clearly distinguish between two such characters. Again Barber, in his defense mechanism provinces that it is merely a wide generalization, but it does look that in some instances this is excessively wide. There are two basic types of Presidential campaigner, whose differentiations alters their run manner.

These are the new campaigner and the incumbent President traveling for his 2nd term. The officeholder has a record to support, is good known by the electorate and has experience in winning a run before ( unless they became President through the elected President non enduring the full term) . He besides is improbable to be opposed in the primary race for the campaigners nomination, as Bill Clinton at present. The new campaigner is normally less good known at the beginning of the run, has to normally vie in ferocious primary choices, non hold a record to be able to pull illustrations from, hold small or no experience in running for President, and may hold more problem in raising financess, donators may be more willing to give to an officeholder who is more likely to retain the place instead than a campaigner naming for alteration. What it takes to go President is a really different set of accomplishments and so about requires a different individual. They have to digest a long, difficult run trail enduring some 18 months and which now costs 1000000s to run. The basic procedure Begins by runing for the party nomination in the primary/caucus system. The object of this is to derive ballots for the delegates who have pledged to back up an single campaigner at the partys’ put uping convention.

This involves runing in every province to hold the voters vote for you in the party nominations. At the party convention, the delegates, elect their party campaigner for President. From here, each campaigner efforts to carry electors to vote for them in the Presidential election.

It is a first past the station system – a campaigner winning a province by simple bulk. However, each province is worth a different sum. They are the equivalent to the entire figure of Congressmen each province has, this goes frontward to the Electoral College. There are 535 ballots from the provinces plus 3 from the District of Columbia. To win the Presidency, a campaigner must accumulate at least 270 Electoral College Votes ( ECVs ) thereby deriving a bulk of the ballots.

If Neustadts chief analysis is that being President is the power to carry, a instance can be made that the run trail is a preparation land for the place. The campaigner must carry a figure of groups at different phases to elect him President. He must convert doners to fund him, he must take part in the primary system, carrying nominators in each province to put up him. He must so carry electors in the general election run to vote for him as President.

Although the state of affairss are immensely different, it can be seen that the rules are the same, he who manages to carry the best, does the occupation the best, in being the President it is acquiring things done, and in going President it is winning. The demand to win provinces in the election itself lends itself to a long difficult run trail, affecting aiming ‘winnable’ provinces and carrying the electors to elect him before traveling onto another province. The illustration of Bill Clinton in 1992 shows the demand of the campaigner to hold about limitless energy, “His married woman, Hillary and Plutos were frequently difficult pressed to carry him to catch some slumber. Clinton often wanted to travel on.

” To mention back to Barbers’ analysis, it seems likely that an person with a high degree of continuity – an active temperament – will fair much better in the modern run. However, it seems a differentiation can be made on the positive/ negative typology. An person who sees life in negative footings, life is a changeless conflict with barriers to be broken down seems better suited to the run manner of winning provinces or a phase in the choice procedure so traveling on. The illustration of Bill Clinton shows a figure of properties utile in going President. The properties needed to go President are really different to the 1s of being President. Firstly, the campaigner needs to be either rich or command a huge sum of resources.

He needs to convert donators that he is capable of winning, they should donate their money to him and it is someway in their involvement to make so ( by this I mean that a pro-life group is non traveling to back up a campaigner who believes in pro-choice, and so on ) . Second the ability to sketch policies without persons. Clinton took this to an extreme, particularly at the beginning of his run, “we can be pro-growth and pro-environment, we can be pro-business and pro-labour, we can do authorities work once more by doing it more aggressive and leaner and more effectual at the same clip, and we can be pro-family and pro-choice.

” This in a less utmost signifier prevents the campaigner sketching a policy and estranging those who oppose it, this wide based attack soon has great entreaty among the electorate and so is more likely to acquire a campaigner elected. However, if done excessively overly as the illustration above clearly does, it runs the hazard of being ridiculed and non believed. Carter in 1976 was identified as doing 111 promises during the primaries and Presidential run, these promises “were just and nice promises ; they embodied every hope of every group and establishment …No hope any broad had expressed anyplace at any clip would be ignored.

” Linked to the wide based attack is the 3rd accomplishment of adaptability – neutering policy somewhat depending on the audience it is aimed at. The most effectual manner is to condition any policy on the necessity of future events besides happening, hence a pledge to construct more roads will happen merely if defense mechanism disbursement is cut successfully. The Forth property which benefits a campaigner is a good perceptual experience of public sentiment, enabling a campaigner to speak about the right issues at the right clip, in sufficient deepness or generalizations to fulfill the electorate. Fifthly, the campaigner needs an tremendous sum of ego control, to be able to take changeless unfavorable judgment, examination and allegations associating to the yesteryear. An person who fails to make this will be perceived as non in control of their emotions, or be seen as non of Presidential quality. The 6th property is good scheme consciousness, basically, the ability to see the ‘big picture’ – invent a realistic run based on it, and so implement it efficaciously. The 7th involves their use of the media, particularly telecasting.

About half of all run budgets are spent on mass communications. Marshall McLuhan observed that “the medium is the message, ” significance that on the telecasting a campaigner needs to demo a figure of qualities despite the message, a certain sum of Presidential presence – looking like a president, telegenaity – looking good on camera, and good communicating accomplishments. The last property is likely the most of import, that of run direction, the campaigner has to be able to efficaciously taking and organizing a squad of candidates on an frequently multi-million budget, deputing efficaciously and guaranting that the run goes swimmingly. Without a strong run behind him, his campaigning will amount to small. Clintons’ reorganization in June 1992 of his run squad, with of import deputations and a more direct, clear concatenation of bid, helped Clinton to better his evaluations in the polls. Once President, the campaigner needs to accommodate these properties to accommodate the office, he must be able to speak about specific policies and seek to acquire them passed by Congress. He must stay adaptable, perceptive and in control, but the media will now concentrate much more on him instead than him as a figure of campaigners and it may be argued that media use has to be done more so by the President than a campaigner. Particularly, if the present run is looked at, where about all of the run propaganda is negative and attempts to pull attending off from each campaigner onto the ‘bad’ side of the others.

What it takes to go President and what it takes to be President are so two contrasting sets of features, but which do sometimes overlap. Neustadts’ analysis about Presidential persuasion could be besides applied to a campaigner carrying party, electors, and doners that he is the 1 for the occupation. Barbers’ analysis of what it takes to be President can be applied to what it takes to go President because he intended it as a usher to who would be the best President from the given list of campaigners. He shows a difference in the features needed in going and being President in the mentality they have on life ; a good President is likely to be positive whereas a good campaigner will hold a negative position.

There are a figure of properties identifiable with going a President which the illustration of Bill Clinton shows. The Candidate, in order to win demands to be rich ; an ability non to estrange subdivisions ; adaptable ; a good perceptual experience ; self control ; an ability to see the large image ; a media operator ; and most significantly, a run director. As President, these can be seen to alter, he does non necessitate to be rich ; he needs to be able to speak about specific policies and acquire them passed into statute law ; and his function as run director falls by the side as there is no run. More accent is placed on adaptability ; perceptual experience ; control ; ‘the large picture’ ; and media use. What it takes to be President and what it takes to go President are so two different sets of properties, the psychological attack has shown the differences born out by the analysis of Barber but besides shows the compatibility demonstrated by Neustadt and the more nonsubjective analysis of Bill Clinton. Inevitably, the two functions are ever traveling to necessitate different properties merely because they are two distinguishable functions, one is trying to run one of the most powerful states in the universe, the other is seeking to win a national election. Bibliography. Church, G.

J. The Long Road. Time Magazine.

November 2nd 1992. Chubb, J. E & Peterson, President E ( explosive detection systems ) . The new Direction in American Politics. Brookings Institute.

Washington DC. 1985 Hirschfield, R. S ( erectile dysfunction ) . The Power of the Presidency. Atherton Press. New York. 1968 Koenig, L. W.

The main Executive. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich inc. USA. 1975 Lowi, T. J. The Personal President. Cornell University Press. London.

1985 Nelson, M ( erectile dysfunction ) . The Presidency and the Political System. 2nd edition. Congressional Quarterly. USA. 1988 Neustadt, R. Presidential Power. Free Press.

New York. 1991 McKay, D, American Politics and Society. 3rd edition. Blackwell.

Oxford. 1993 Polsby & Wildavsky. Presidential elections. 2nd edition.

Charles Scribners Sons. New York. 1968


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