Relationship and friendship Essay

Introduction: Israeli Apartheid V Security

Analyzing the Israeli-Palestinian struggle has demonstrated therefore far to be a instead confusing undertaking. In the thick of the stormy sea of ambiguity, there seems to be an unsettling copiousness of moving ridges of extensively varied position points crashing down onto the self-contradictory histories of history, and absolutely contrasting rationalisation in relation to the root of the quandary. This paper intends to clear up why this is.

General academe suggests that the ground for this trouble is the fact that there are dissensions over the beginnings of Israel.A farther analysis will be into the many facets of Israel ‘s yesteryear and present actions including the ownership of land, prejudiced statute law, the cultural cleaning and military business. Acerate leaf to state, this may paint a really different image from the authoritative narrative of the bantam, epic state forced into a battle for its continued being from the really start against relentless, homicidal and bloody-minded enemies ; a state that has erred but done everything in its power to accomplish and uphold aristocracy by the purest of agencies.Undoubtedly, an extended survey is needed in order to pull attending to this brooding disparity. That Western pro-Israeli propaganda has an huge impact on this is non at all in uncertainty but there is apparently a more elemental and deep seeded ground. That is security.Security has been the primary justification for the range of Israeli policies throughout history.

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This was apparent from the population ejections in 1948 to the edifice of the aparthei… . separation wall 60 old ages subsequently. Security and defense mechanism is the ground why Israel is forced to take such steps, nevertheless obnoxious they may be.The pro Israeli statement is that Israel is a state that struggles for endurance.

Even if one was to put aside Israel ‘s huge military fortitude a inquiry arises as to why the being of a Judaic province would be so obnoxious to Palestinians. Unlike today ‘s rose-colored holy auto-proto messianic vindicators, early Zionists were refreshfully blunt about the world of their purposes. This will be subsequently discussed in deepness.One first Zionist leader and theorist was Ze’ev Jabotinsky. This adult male has more streets in Israel named in his honor than any other historical figure [ 1 ] .

Write within what was possibly his most celebrated essay from 1923, Jabotinsky did clear up one thing. That is that ; “ Zionists colonization, even the most restricted, must either be terminated or carried out in rebelliousness of the will of the native population. “ [ 2 ] Why is this? Strictly because, history shows that “ every autochthonal people will defy foreign colonists. “ [ 3 ]This paper is intended to offer an penetration as to what Zionism has meant for the Palestinians, how Israeli apartheid has been continually implemented, and suggestions for how it can be resisted and rectified. Throughout, mentions will besides be made in relation to the work of the battalion of faculty members, authors and the blest journalists [ 4 ] who have researched, documented and witnessed the flowering of a signifier of apartheid in Palestine.

In order to make this, a clear and concise definition of apartheid is needed in conformity with international jurisprudence. Further to this an analogy must be made between South African apartheid and Israel in order to to the full grok the similarities and of class the differences between the two.

Specifying apartheid

For the intent of the present Convention, the term “ the offense of apartheid ” , which shall include similar policies and patterns of racial segregation and favoritism as practiced in southern Africa, shall use to the undermentioned cold Acts of the Apostless committed for the intent of set uping and keeping domination by one racial group of individuals over another racial group of individuals and consistently suppressing them… [ 5 ] [ Emphasis added ]Article II, International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, UN General AssemblyResolution 3086, 30 November 1973Though the province of South Africa is most connected to Apartheid as it is the context from which the term is derived, [ 6 ] the offense of apartheid itself is far more widely defined. This is a cardinal point in relation to the survey of apartheid in Israel since, even if one was to put aside the comparing to South Africa specifically, there exists some sort of step by which the universe may measure Israeli policy towards Palestinians.The UN General Assembly adopted the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid in 1973.

This meant that a comprehensive description of what unerringly the “ offense of apartheid ” looked like should be established. From this list of “ cold Acts of the Apostless ” derived from the convention, below listed are a figure of Acts of the Apostless peculiarly deserving observing ;Denial to a member or members of a racial group or groups of the right to life and autonomy of individual… by the imposition upon the members of a racial group or groups of serious bodily or mental injury, by the violation of their freedom or self-respect, or by subjecting them to torment or to cruel, inhuman or degrading intervention or penalty. [ 7 ]Any legislative steps and other group steps calculated to forestall a racial group or groups from engagement in political, societal, economic sciences and cultural life of the state…

[ including ] the right to go forth and return to their state, the right to a nationality, the right to freedom of motion and abode… [ 8 ]Any steps including legislative steps design to split the population along racial lines by the creative activity of separate militias and ghettos for the members of a racial group or groups… the expropriation of the landed belongings belonging to a racial group.

.. as will be further analysed, Israel has been and continues to be guilty of these offenses, which are all the more serious for holding been “ committed for the intent of set uping and keeping domination by one racial group of individuals over any other racial group of individuals ” . [ 9 ]In recent times, at an international conference, the Rome statue of the International Criminal Court ( ICC ) was adopted in 1998. [ 10 ] It comes as no surprise that Israel was in fact one of seven states to vote against the legislative act. 148 states voted in entire. The ICC Statute incorporates the “ offense of apartheid ” in a list of “ offense against humanity ” . It farther goes on to depict apartheid as:Inhumane Acts of the Apostless.

.. committed in the context of an institutionalized government of systematic subjugation and domination by one racial group over any other racial group or groups and committed with the purpose of keeping that government.

..Therefore, suffice to state, even before the South Africa and Israeli Apartheid analogy is made, the standards for what constitutes Apartheid is set out with a high grade of lucidity under international jurisprudence. With this it is possible to analyze Israeli policies since 1948 and in every bit far as possible, understand what this has meant and continues to intend to the Palestinian people.“ protagonists of Israel present Zionism as an political orientation of release of the Judaic people, but for Palestinians, Zionism, as it has been practiced and as they have experienced it, has been exactly apartheid. “ [ 11 ]

The South Africa comparing

If Palestinians were black, Israel would now be a pariah province topic to economic countenances led by the united province.

[ 12 ]Observer, October 2000White colonists in South Africa, like Zionist innovators, colonised a land already inhabited. As on South Africa, the colonists in Palestine expelled the autochthonal population, some two-thirds of the Palestinians in the land that became Israel in 1948, took ownerships of their belongingss and lawfully segregated those who remained. [ 13 ]It seems to me that the Israelis would wish the Palestinians to vanish. There was ne’er anything like that in our instance. The Whites did non desire the inkinesss to vanish.

[ 14 ]Mondli Makhanya, editor- Mondli Makhanya, editor-in-chief of the South African Sunday Times, July 2008The Israeli apartheid analogy has existed long earlier Jimmy Carter wrote his best seller “ Peace Not Apartheid ” . Although the legal model that had imposed apartheid in South Africa was well different when compared to the relevant Israeli policies, there is a plethora important similarity. [ 15 ] A common relation of both legal substructures is the purpose to strengthen and implement evictions, and by making so, procuring paramount land control over natural resources for the absolute benefit one group at the entire disbursal of another.Renowned designer and academic Lindsay Bremner has stated that while the popular construct of apartheid in South Africa painted a image of walls, fencings and barbed wire dividing inkinesss and Whites, in world:“ It was the infinite instruments of control and humiliation ( racially prejudiced Torahs, disposal boards, committees of question, town planning strategies, wellness ordinances, base on balls books, topographic point mulcts, location licenses, constabulary foraies, remotion new waves, bulldozers ) ..

. that delineated south African society during the apartheid old ages and produced its characteristic landscapes. ” [ 16 ]Though this point will be subsequently elaborated, this description is all excessively recognizable for Palestinians life in Israel every bit good as the OPT. For them, like black South Africans, “ day-to-day Acts of the Apostless and rites ” are “ Acts of the Apostless of segregation and humiliation. ” [ 17 ]What a acrimonious sarcasm. Key parts of the peace procedure in the 1990 ‘s, where limited Palestinian ‘self regulation ‘ was established in a minuscular proportion of the occupied districts, has therefore far stood to strengthen the apartheid analogy with South Africa.

1959, South Africa introduced statute law calculated to promote “ self authorities ” amongst the black population. This was to be in sealed off “ reserves ” . [ 18 ] This undermentioned description is by the late Israeli journalist Tanya Reinhart.

It encapsulates scaring similarities with the state of affairs in the occupied Palestinian terrortories since 1990 ‘s ;“ The power in each of these entities was bestowed to local lackeies, and few Bantustans even had elections, parliaments, quasi governmental establishments… the Bantustans were allowed some symbols of sovereignty: a flag, postage cast, passports and strong constabulary force. ”Bishop Desmond Tutu acknowledged in 1984 that, the Bantustans in district “ randomly carved up for them by the all mighty white authorities ” deprived of “ territorial unity or any hope of economic viability ” were fundamentally intended to “ give a gloss of morality to something that had been condemned as immorality ” . [ 19 ] “ Fragmented and discontinuous districts, located in unproductive and fringy parts of the state ” with “ no control ” over natural resources or entree to “ territorial Waterss ” .

As we shall see, this is a scarily topographic point on description of the OPT today. [ 20 ]However, it of paramount importance to observe at this point that, to depict Israel utilizing the phrase apartheid province does non needfully hold to intend linking “ Israel with South Africa ” . [ 21 ] Of class, any competent analysis should stress both correspondent developments in add-on to the “ evidently different fortunes ” . [ 22 ] Some argue that the apartheid analogy is non as black and white [ 23 ] as one may presume.One such conspicuous difference is the fact that Apartheid South Africa saw the regulation of a white minority over a significant black bulk.

In 1913, when the first segregation Torahs were passed, the autochthonal inkinesss made up “ more than 75 % of the entire labour force. ” [ 24 ]Another profound difference is that Israel has non practiced any signifier of ‘petty ‘ apartheid. For illustration, you would non happen separate public toilets for Jews and non Jews. Further to this, the Palestinian citizens of Israel, known as Israeli Arabs, have full and equal vote rights and there is even a figure, albeit non ample in any manner, of elected Palestinians in the Israeli legislative assembly, besides known as the Knesset. This may be attributed to the fact that had “ favoritism against Palestinians been written into Israeli jurisprudence every bit specifically as favoritism against inkinesss ” was woven into the cloth South African jurisprudence, so “ outside support would certainly be jeopardised ” . [ 25 ] ‘Outside support ‘ , a great ally Israel does non desire to lose.One major difference between apartheid South Africa and Israel which Zionists surely make no attempt to raise is that while in apartheid South Africa, the white colonists exploited the labour force of the homeless indigens, Israel ‘s programs for Palestine were instead different.

Zionists colonists were non interested in working the native Palestinians. Their program was clear ; “ The native population was to be eliminated ; exterminated or expelled instead that exploited ” . [ 26 ]Now that we know this, it can be argued that Impact Zionism has in fact been worse for the autochthonal population of Palestine than the effects apartheid had in South Africa.

Israel does so desire the land, they do want Zion, but without the people, its current occupants ; the Palestinians.During a treatment between Palestinian-American academic and writer Joseph Massad and renowned Israeli historian Ben Morris, Massad made a comparing between Israel and South Africa in relation to its supremacist rights. [ 27 ] Naturally, Morris dismissed such an analogy as merely farcical, farther responding that throughout the history of Zionism, Zionists “ would hold much preferred Palestine to be empty of Arabs with hence no demand for Jews to be supreme over anybody. They merely wanted a Judaic province. ”On this juncture, Morris ‘ dismissal of the term supremacist has proven to be instead uncovering, as it raises a shade that has everlastingly haunted Zionism even to this twenty-four hours. South African apartheid had a important inner contradiction. While functioning the primary purpose of separating between racial groups, it besides acknowledged their dependence.

[ 28 ] Zionism in contrast, has tried disappearing the Palestinians both theory and in pattern, yet they do non vanish. Sorry, oh relentless Zionist, they do non merely die, vanish, ebb or withdraw.

The relationship between apartheid South Africa and Israel

Over clip, the several leaders of the South African apartheid government and Israel had developed a warm friendly relationship. In 1953, Daniel Malan became South Africa ‘s first Prime Minster to see the Holy Land of Jerusalem. But even before this event took topographic point, even before statehood was proclaimed for Israel, a personal friendly relationship had flourished between Chaim Weizmann, who would subsequently go Israel ‘s first president, and Jan Smuts.

Smuts was the South African Prime Minister every bit good as the senior military leader for the British. [ 29 ] In fact, the bond between them was so close that Wiseman would frequently turn to Smuts in times of catastrophe and “ both work forces took for granted the moral legitimacy of each others several place. ” [ 30 ] [ Insert homosexual gag ]Ultimately, Israel became a outstanding protagonist of the South African apartheid government in South Africa. This finally led to the UN General Assembly Resolution in 1984, explicitly reprobating the intensifying coaction between Israel and “ the racialist government of South Africa ” . [ 31 ]That many states supported apartheid is non at all in uncertainty, but what is peculiarly dramatic in Israel ‘s instance is the extent of shared empathy. Another South African Prime Minister, Henderik Verwoerd, expressed his ain position in the early sixties that “ the Jews took Israel from the Arabs after the Arabs had lived at that place for a thousand old ages. Israel, like south Africa, is an apartheid province.

” [ 32 ]In 1976 so South African Prime Minister John Vorster a adult male who had been a Nazi sympathizer in WWII was afforded a province feast during a visit to Israel. [ 33 ] At the official welcome, Israel ‘s Yitzhak Radin made a toast to “ the ideal shared by Israel and South Africa: the hopes for justness and peaceable carbon monoxide being ” . [ 34 ] The undermentioned twelvemonth the official yearbook of the Republic of South Africa noted that “ Israel and South Africa have one thing above all else in common: they are both situated in a preponderantly hostile universe inhabited by dark peoples.

” [ 35 ]

Decision of apartheid analogy

The eldritch analogues between Israel and apartheid South Africa are progressively being identified by Palestinians, Israelis, South Africans and Israeli perceivers. there has been no deficit of outstanding South African figures that have expressed solidarity with the Palestinians or the denunciation of what they believed to be similar to, or in most instances worse construction of subjugation the apartheid government so many of them had fought against.One such individual, seasoned anti-apartheid figure and human rights candidate, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, made headlines in 2002 with his article “ Apartheid in the Holy Land ” . [ 36 ] in it, Tutu described himself as being profoundly distraught upon returning from a recent trip to Palestine.

the trip, as he described, had reminded him “ so much of what happened to us black people in south Africa ” . Further to this the archbishop confirmed that “ Israel will ne’er acquire true security and safety through suppressing another people. ”In 2007, South African legal professor, apartheid expert and the UN human rights rapporteur John Dugard, affirmed that “ Israel ‘s Torahs and patterns in the OPT surely resemble facets of apartheid ” , resonant of the positions of many other south African politicians, trade brotherhood leaders, spiritual groups and faculty members. [ 37 ] Even the western media letter writers have made the comparing, albeit non every bit openly as the South Africans. [ 38 ]Even Israeli politicians and observers are now voicing their sentiments with respects to the issue of apartheid. More explicitly, they comment on the hazard of Israel confronting an correspondent civil rights struggle that finally prevailed in South Africa. [ 39 ] Though a contrasting position on the affair, in 2004 the Israeli foreign curate had predicted that Israel could turn into a outcast province, in equality with south Africa during the apartheid old ages. [ 40 ]Its is of extreme importance to gain that to compare the state of affairs in Israel and Palestine to South Africa does non necessitate a forced ‘one size tantrums all ‘ political analysis.

Rather a grade of lucidity must be acknowledged in sketching the outright differences every bit good as the terrorization similarity. Any such analogy is peculiarly valuable as it helps highlight issues environing a political system based on structural racism, separation and laterality.Furthermore, as the remainder of this paper will explicate, even go forthing aside the specific comparing with south Africa, Israel ‘s yesteryear and present policies towards the autochthonal Palestinians to the full run into the afore mentioned definition laid out in international jurisprudence, and desperately needs to be treated as such by the International Community.

Chapter 2

Decision: The perfect formula for apartheid

Independence for Israel, calamity for Palestine“ We must throw out Arabs and take their topographic points ” [ 41 ]Ben gurion in a missive to his boy, 1937“ Ben gurion was right..

. without the uprooting of the Palestinians, a Judaic province would non hold arisen here ” [ 42 ]Benny Morris, Israeli historiographer in August 1897,In the Swiss metropolis of Basel, a meeting took topographic point that would hold profound and black effects for the Palestinians- though they were non present at the event, or even mentioned by the participants. The first Zionist Congress, the encephalon kid of zionisms main designer theodor herzl, resulted in the creative activity of the Zionist administration ( subsequently the universe Zionist administration ) and the publication of the Basel programme – a sort of early Zionist pronunciamento.Merely the twelvemonth before, herzl had published “ the Judaic province ” , in which he laid out his belief that the lone solution to the anti Semitism of European societies was for the Jews to hold their ain state. Writing in his journal a few yearss afterwards, herzl predicted the existent consequence would be of the Congress:“ At Basel I founded the Judaic province.

If I said this aloud today, I would be answered by cosmopolitan laughter. In five old ages possibly, and surely in 50 old ages, everyone will comprehend this. “ [ 43 ]Herzl ‘s Zionism was a response to European anti Semitism and, while a extremist development, built on the foundations of a more spiritually and culturally focused Judaic colonists who had already gone to Palestine on a really little graduated table. At the clip, many Jews, for different grounds, disagreed with Herzl ‘s reply to the “ Judaic inquiry ” . Nevertheless, the Zionist got to work ; directing new colonists, procuring fiscal support and flexing the ear of the imperial powers without whose cooperation, the early leaders knew, the Zionist undertaking would be impossible to gain.At the beginning of the twentieth century, the population of Palestine was about 4 % Judaic and 96 % Palestinian Arab ( of which around 11 % were Christian and the remainder Muslim ) . [ 44 ] before the new moving ridges of Zionist colonists, the Palestinian Jewish community was little but of long standing, and concentrated in four metropoliss of spiritual significance: Jerusalem, safed, tiberias and hebron. [ 45 ] As new Zionists immigrants arrived, with the aid of outside contributions, Gallic experts were called upon to portion their experience of Gallic colonization of north Africa.

[ 46 ]An early precedence for the Zionists was to procure more land on which to set up a secure, expanded, Jewish community. In 1901, the Judaic national fund ( JNF ) was founded, an administration “ devoted entirely to the acquisition of land in Palestine for Judaic colony ” . [ 47 ] The JNF was destined to play a important function in the history of Zionism, peculiarly as the land it acquired, by definition, became “ inalienably Judaic, ne’er to be sold to or worked by non Jews ” [ 48 ]The land purchased by the JNS was frequently sold by rich, absentee land proprietors from environing Arab states.

However, much of the land was worked by Palestinian renter husbandmans, who were so forcibly removed after the JNF had bought the belongings. Thousands of peasant husbandmans of and their households were made homeless and landless in such a mode. [ 49 ]The Zionists knew early on that the support of an imperial power would be critical. Zionism emerged in the age of imperium and therefore “ Herzl sought to procure a charter for Judaic colonization guaranteed by one or other imperial European powers ” . [ 50 ] Herzl ‘s initial contact with the British led to treatments over different possible locations for colonization, from an country in the Sinai peninsular to a portion of modern twenty-four hours Kenya. [ 51 ] Once agreed on Palestine, the Zionists recognised, in the words of future president Weizmann, it would be under Britain ‘s wing that the Zionists strategy would be carried out.

[ 52 ]The bulk of British policy shapers and curates viewed political Zionism with favor for a assortment of grounds. For an imperium viing for influence in a cardinal geopolitical part of the universe, assisting birth a natural ally with reap dividends. From the mid nineteenth century onwards, there was besides a tradition of a more emotional and even spiritual support for the creative activity of a Judaic province in Palestine amongst Christians in place of influence, including Lord Shaftesbury and Prime Minister Lloyd George. [ 53 ]Britain ‘s cardinal function is most famously symbolised by the Balfour Declaration, sent in a missive in 1917 by so foreign secretary Arthur Balfour to lord Rothschild. The declaration announced that the British authorities viewed with favour the constitution in Palestine for a national place for the Judaic people and furthermore, promised to utilize their best enterprise to ease the accomplishment of this undertaking. At the clip, Jews were less than 10 % of Palestine ‘s population. [ 54 ]In the terminal, the function of the imperial powers proved important.

For all the differences between some in the British foreign policy constitution and members of the Zionist motion every bit good as the unfastened struggle between extremist Zionists panic groups and British soldiers, it was under British regulations that the Zionists were able to fix for the conquering of Palestine. Ben Gurion one time joked, after sing the houses of parliament in London “ that he might every bit good have been at the Zionists Congress, the talkers had been so sympathetic to Zionism ” . [ 55 ]Differenced between the Zionists leaders of assorted political chevrons were basically tactical. As Ben Gurion explained, cipher argued about the indivisibility of “ Eretz Israel ” ( the name normally used to mention to the entire country of the scriptural “ promised land ” ) . [ 56 ] Rather, “ the argument was over which of two roots would take quicker to the common end ” . In 1937, weizmann told the British high commissioner that “ we shall spread out in the whole state in the class of clip.

.. this is merely an agreement for the following 25 to 30 old ages ” . [ 57 ]

From a people without land to a land without people

“ There is a cardinal difference in quality between Jews and native ” . [ 58 ]Chaim Weizmann, israles foremost president.The Zionists leading ‘s position of the indigens was unavoidable- “ desiring to make a strictly Judaic, or preponderantly Judaic, province in Arab Palestine ” could merely take to the development “ of a racialist province of head ” . [ 59 ] Furthermore, Zionism was conceived as a Judaic response to a job confronting the Jews ; the Palestinian Arabs were a complete irrelevancy.In the early yearss, the native Palestinians were wholly ignored- airbrushed from their ain land- or treated with racialist superciliousness, portrayed as simple, backward common people who would profit from Judaic colonization.

One more annoyance obstruction to the realization of Zionism, as Palestinians resistance increased, the indigens became progressively portrayed as violent and unsafe. For Zionists, Palestine was empty ; non literally but in footings of people of equal worth to the entrance colonists.The early Zionists leaders expressed an political orientation really similar to that of other colonist motions in other parts of the universe, peculiarly with respects to the dismissal of the indigens ‘ yesteryear and present relationship to the land. Palestine was considered a sweet that the Zionists would water and till until “ it once more becomes the blossoming garden it one time was ” . [ 60 ]The establishing farther of political Zionism, Theodore herzl, wrote in 1896 that in Palestine, a Judaic province would organize “ a portion of a wall of defense mechanism for Europe in Asia, an outstation of civilizations against brutality ” . [ 61 ]Many British functionaries shared the Zionists position of the autochthonal Palestinians.

In a conversation, the caput of the Judaic bureaus colonization section asked Weizmann about the Palestinian Arabs. Weizmann replies that “ the British told us that there are some hundred 1000s Blacks and for those there is no value ” . [ 62 ]

  1. “ Jabotinski most popular street name in Israel ”,28 November 2007
  2. Nur Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians, Washington DC: Institute of Palestine Studies, 2001, p28
  3. Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall, New York, W.W Norton, 2000, p13
  4. Sarcasm non earnestness…

    .. Just in instance you were inquiring

  5. Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights web site, hypertext transfer protocol: //
  6. Aafrikaans word significance separation
  7. International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid Article II paragraph ( a ) ( I ) ( two ) ( three ) , as elaborated by White B. Israeli Aparthied: A Beginners Guide, 2009, p. 4
  8. International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid Article II paragraph ( degree Celsius ) as elaborated by White B.

    Israeli Aparthied: A Beginners Guide, 2009, p. 4

  9. International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid Article II paragraph ( vitamin D ) as elaborated by White B. Israeli Aparthied: A Beginners Guide, 2009, p.


  10. “ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court ” hypertext transfer protocol: //
  11. Mona N.

    Younis, Liberation and Democritization, Minneapolis MN, University of Minnisota Press, 2000 pp 12-13

  12. “ Israel must the hatred now ” Observer, 15 October 2000.
  13. Leila Farsakh, ‘Israel: an apartheid province? ‘ , Le Monde Diplomatique, November 2003
  14. Newspaper, Ha’aretz, 12 July 2008
  15. Mirroring Israeli land ownership Torahs, The Native Land Act 1913, and the Native Trust and Land Act 1936 which designated 93 % and 87 % of South African land severally off-limits to native African acquisition.
  16. See besides, John Quigley, Palestine and Israel: A Challenge to Justice, Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1990 pp124-5
  17. Lindsay Bremner, “ Border/Skin ” , In Michael Sorkin ‘s ; Against the Wall, NYP, pp122-137
  18. Lindsay Bremner, “ Border/Skin, p. 129
  19. Tanya Reinhart, ‘The epoch of xanthous districts ‘ , Newspaper ; Ha’aretz, 27 May 1994
  20. Desmond Tutu, Hope and Suffering, London: Font Paperbacks, 1984 pp94-5
  21. Lindsay Bremner, “ Border/Skin, p.


  22. Uri Davis, Apartheid Israel, London: Zed Books,2003, p. 84
  23. Lorenzo Veracini, Israel and Settler Society, London: Pluto Press, 2006, p. 18
  24. no wordplay intended
  25. Farsakh, ‘Israel: an apartheid province? ‘
  26. Roselle Tekiner, ‘The “ Who is a Jew ” contention in ; Israel: a merchandise of political Zionism ‘ , in ; Samir Abd-Rabbo, Roselle Tekiner and Norton Mezvinsky, Anti Zionism: Analytic Contemplations, Battleboro, VT Amana Books, 1989, pp. 62-89
  27. Moshe Machover, ‘Is it Aparthied ‘ , Judaic Voice for Peace web site, 15 December 2004, hypertext transfer protocol: //
  28. ‘History on the Line: Joseph Massad and Benny Morris discuss the Middle East ‘ in Joseph A Massad, The Persistence of the Palestinian Question, Oxon: Routledge, 2006, pp. 154-165
  29. Lindsay Bremner, “ Border/Skin, p.


  30. Joel Peters, Israel and Africa: The Problematic Friendship, London: British Academic Press, p. 53
  31. N.A Rose, The Gentle Zionists: A Study In Anglo Zionist Diplomacy, 1929-1939, London: Routledge, 1973, p. 5:
  32. Richard P.

    Stevens, ‘Smuts and Weizmann ‘ , Journal of Palestinian Studies, Vol. 3, No 1 ( Auntum 1973 )

  33. A/RES/39/72.C, ‘Policies of Apartheid of the Government of South Africa ‘ , Adopted at the 99th Plenary meeting, 13 December 1984
  34. Guardian, 6 February 2006
  35. Ben White, Israeli Apartheid P
  36. ‘Brothers in arms- Israel ‘s secret treaty with Pretoria ‘ , Guardian, 7 February 2006
  37. As Cited in Benjamin M. Joseph, ‘Separatism at the incorrect clip in history ‘ , in Tekiner et Al, Anti Zionism, pp. 136-52
  38. ‘Apartheid in the Holy Land ‘ , Guardian, 29 April 2002
  39. ‘Occupied Gaza like apartheid South Africa, says UN Report ‘ , Guardian, 23 February 2007 ;
  40. see as an illustration ‘COSATU unfastened missive in support of CUPE Resolution on Israel ‘ , MRZine, 7 June 2006,
  41. and besides ; ‘ “ This is like apartheid ” : ANC veterans visit the west bank ‘ , Independent, 11 July 2008
  42. Ha’aretz, 21 February 2003 ; ‘Why the BBC ducks the Palestinian narrative ‘ , The Electronic Intifada, 6 February 2004 ;
  43. ‘Worlds Apart ‘ , Guardian, 6 February 2006
  44. ‘Israel hazards apartheid like battle if two province solution fails, says Olmet ‘ , Guardian, 30 November 2007 ;
  45. Meron Benvenisti, ‘Bantustan program for an apartheid Israel ‘ Guardian, 26 April 2004 ;
  46. ‘Ha’aretz editor slams Israel in U.N conference ‘ , JTA, 30 August 2007,
  47. ‘The war ‘s 7th twenty-four hours ‘ , Ha’aretz, 3 March 2002
  48. ‘Israel could go pariah province, warns study ‘ Associated Press, 14 October 2004
  49. Anton La Guardia, Holy Land Unholy War, London: John Murray Publishers, 2002, p. 188
  50. Ha’aretz, 9 January 2004
  51. Anton La Guardia, Holy Land Unholy War, London: John Murray Publishers, 2002, p. 7
  52. Justin McCarthy, The Population Of Palestine, New York: Columbia University Press, 1990, p.


  53. Hussein Abu Hussein and Fiona McKay, Access Denied, London: Zed Books, 2003, p. 67
  54. Ref 6 pg 13
  55. Ref 7 pg 13
  56. Ref 8 pg 13
  57. Ref 9 pg 14
  58. Ref 10 pg 14
  59. Ref 11 pg 14
  60. Ref 12 pg 14
  61. Ref 13 pg 15
  62. Ref 14 pg 15
  63. Ref 15 pg15
  64. Ref 16 pg 15
  65. Ref 17 pg 15
  66. Ref 18 pg 16
  67. Ref 19 pg 16
  68. Ref 20 pg 16
  69. Ref 21 pg 17
  70. Ref 22 pg 17

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